[ . . . ]
If these remarks contain a degree of truth, then no one will predict any sort of rapid triumph for parliamentary rule in Germany; but conversely, no one will see in this circumstance any absolute danger to freedom and prosperity either. If the system is viable only under very specific historical and local preconditions, then it is precisely for this reason that it cannot be the only saving gospel of freedom. All earthly things have their bright and dark sides, and only political children would seek to catch the one without the other. Anyone enjoying the advantages of democratic institutions must pay for them. Moreover, in this context, one may ask whether the costs are really so heavy and detrimental. Even if a representation of the people does not, as in Germany and North America, have the power to install and remove ministers, its very existence and its debates, its criticism of the budget and its authority to quash unsuccessful bills represents a highly significant barrier to any arbitrary absolutism on the part of the government. But knowing this government to be in good hands and removed from the surging waves of popular agitation appears to us an invaluable blessing vis-à-vis the terrible consequences of the opposite manifestation in France. Even after the great triumphs of the recent past, Germany will continue to occupy a highly precarious position in Europe between vengeful France, ambitious Russia, and wavering Austria. What we need in this situation above all is steadiness and security in government. In our country, a presidential election every four years would be a life-and-death gamble every time. There may be conditions more ideal than ours; for us, it is a matter of survival that the good threads of our political tradition are not torn apart carelessly. Our kings have found that their military system, which has led them to such unprecedented successes these days, is based on a precondition – the sum total of culture, prosperity, and patriotism that is spread throughout the people. And since we know that all members of our government clearly recognize this fact, it is precisely the tension of our international situation that gives us a firm guarantee, naturally not against individual errors in judgment, but of the steady striving of the government for culture, prosperity, and patriotism – to put it briefly, for the freedom of the people.
Source: Heinrich von Sybel, “Das neue deutsche Reich” [“The New German Reich”], Fortnightly Review, January 1, 1871, republished in Heinrich von Sybel, Vorträge und Aufsätze [Lectures and Essays], 2nd ed. Berlin, 1875, pp. 322-27.
Original German text reprinted in Gerhard A. Ritter, ed., Das Deutsche Kaiserreich 1871-1914. Ein historisches Lesebuch [The German Kaiserreich 1871-1914. A Historical Reader], 5th rev. ed. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992, pp. 35-39.
Translation: Erwin Fink
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