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Germany as a Middle Power (September/October 2006)

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One defining characteristic of a self-assured middle power is that it actively participates in the production of collective goods and does not attempt to either shirk obligations or buy itself out of them. A self-assured middle power does not opt for a free ride under the circumstances described here. Thus, self-assuredness finds proper expression in the assumption of international obligations as well as in the pursuit of individual national interests. Accusations that foreign policy is being militarized are mostly based on the demand to continue the policy of buying one’s way out of [military] obligations. But that also means: waiving the right to introduce one’s own ideas and ultimately accepting a situation of dependence upon those whose power portfolio also includes military instruments. Europeans learned what that means the hard way during the Yugoslav wars of disintegration. Accepting this, however, is tantamount to renouncing both middle-power status and self-assurance.

Therefore, an essential prerequisite for stabilizing Germany’s position as a self-assured middle power is diversifying the kinds of power available to German politics – by all means within the framework of international structures and obligations. Ideological/cultural power deserves more attention than it has received thus far. At the core of this is the desire to establish Germany as a place for culture and as a hub for science and research. With regard to science and research, one important factor will be the attractiveness of German universities to foreign students and scholars. It is doubtful that the reforms in higher education (which have come to be known simply as the Bologna process) will be helpful here, insofar as they have diminished rather than enhanced the specific attractiveness of Germany. From a structural standpoint, Germany’s landscape for science and research is threatened most of all by a particularistic federal system [Kleinstaaterei], which is especially pronounced in the area of education and research policy. In this regard, the decision not to squeeze the federal government out of higher education reform as part of the federalism reform was an important prerequisite for enhancing Germany’s attractiveness in this area. Rather than simply reacting to problems and deficits, success will surely depend on thinking and acting strategically, on the ability of German politics to recognize culture and research as a resource in its power portfolio. This does not rule out that both are also important in making Germany an attractive location for business and industry.

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Source: Herfried Münkler, “Die selbstbewusste Mittelmacht. Außenpolitik im souveränen Staat” [“The Self-Assured Middle Power: Foreign Policy in a Sovereign State”], Merkur 60, no. 689/90 (September/October 2006), p. 847ff.

Translation: Allison Brown

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