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Bismarck’s Speech in the North German Reichstag in Defense of his Draft Constitution (March 11, 1867)

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In any case, as I have already taken the liberty of indicating, we need in this connection an inviolable transition period that will last until we have grown together organically as flesh and blood;

(Bravo!)

I believe that this idea will also not be contested by a large portion of the stricter constitutionalists who want to see the matter brought to a successful conclusion.

(Bravo! Quite right!)

Aside from these things, I would like to make some remarks in connection with a few details that have been subjected to criticism, in order to prevent the discussion from straying more often than is necessary into the areas concerned. For example, there are our relations with south Germany. On the day before yesterday, Deputy Waldeck set high hopes merely on the creation of a constitutionally unitary ministry: “Then we would have the south Germans,” as he put it. I believe that we could not more effectively frighten them off than if we followed such a course, a course that, as I indicated previously, would be greatly similar to the mediatization of the German princes.

Who are these south Germans? For the present they are the Bavarian, the Württemberg, and the Baden governments. Do you believe that his majesty the king of Bavaria or of Württemberg will feel himself particularly attracted to institutions such as those suggested by Deputy Waldeck?

(Amused laughter.)

Gentlemen! I know the opposite to be the case.

Our relationship to south Germany will develop simply and securely, in my view, on the basis of the article concerning it in the draft constitution. To begin with we share with south Germany the community of the Zollverein, a community that at present hangs to a certain degree in the air because the peace treaties reserve to the parties the right to terminate their participation on six months' notice, until we have come to an agreement on the relationship between north and south Germany in this matter. The right of termination was necessary in order to make an agreement possible. Therefore, I think that as soon as we are finished with the north German Constitution we should immediately approach the south German governments and invite them to join with us in a discussion of the way in which we can attain a lasting organic Zollverein, not one that can be terminated every twelve years. We have secured this blessing for the North German Confederation through articles concerning customs legislation, but we can neither demand that the three or four south German states should accept without further ado all that we have decided here through legislation that they did not participate in, nor can we concede to them a veto over that which is legally decided upon in the north German Reichstag, a veto that each of the three or four governments could exercise and would share with their estates. Should the Zollverein continue to exist in its present dimensions, then it is inevitable that organic institutions will be created by virtue of which south Germany will participate in legislation concerning customs matters. I shall forgo suggesting the particulars, but I believe that how these institutions must be created is something that follows as a matter of course.

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